Racial Discrimination in Tibet (2000)

Publications

Abbreviations in this Report [Below]

Executive Summary [Below]

Discrimination in Employment [Read]

... a number of official studies have concluded that Tibetans continue to suffer systematic discrimination in the field of employment, primarily as a result of the continuing uncontrolled influx of Chinese migrants seeking work in Tibet.

Chinese Language Bias [Read]
Racial Prejudice [Read]
Bribery and the Importance of "Guanxi" [Read]
The Rise of Tibetan Unemployment [Read]
Discriminatory Business Opportunities [Read]
Forced Trading with the Chinese [Read]
Commercial Copying and Underselling [Read]
Wage Discrimination [Read]
Discriminatory Dismissal [Read]
Compulsory Labour [Read]

Discrimination in Healthcare [Read]

As one 18 year-old man from Nye Shi village, Derge County in Kandze "TAP" reported after escaping in April 1998, "There were no Chinese people living in our area, so we had no electricity, no roads, no schools and no health services. The authorities have no interest in developing areas where they themselves have no benefit, and so if anyone in our village became sick, we had no one around to help us."

Forced Sterilization [Read]
Forced Abortion [Read]
Tibetan Children and Infant Mortality [Read]
Discriminatory Charges [Read]
Extortionate Hospital Deposits [Read]
Medicinal Resources and Discriminatory Distribution [Read]
Discriminatory Treatment [Read]
Political Denial of Treatment [Read]

Discrimination in Education [Read]

In each and every one of its White Papers, the Chinese government tirelessly highlights the failure of old Tibet to provide universal education for ordinary Tibetans. It cannot be denied that literacy was largely confined to the elite classes, monasteries or those in government service in old Tibet, and yet to incessantly use this as justification for the system of Chinese education currently thriving in its place is equally wrong. Tibetans in exile, in evaluating their past, have succeeded in evolving a broad and democratic system of education that demands far greater admiration than the Chinese system currently imposed on Tibet, which has shown itself to be not only discriminatory and distorted, but also inadequate.

Structure and Funding [Read]
Fees and Expenses [Read]
Discriminatory Facilities [Read]
Culturally Biased Curriculums and Censorship [Read]
Problems of the Chinese Medium [Read]
Discriminatory Examinations [Read]
Tibetan Schooling outside the TAR [Read]

Discrimination in Housing. [Read]

Though not enshrined within its constitution, the Chinese government admitted during the preparatory meetings for the 1996 UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II) that "housing is a basic need for the life of human beings" and that "adequate housing is a basic human right." However, Tibetans are finding themselves increasingly marginalised in the housing sphere, which is now dominated by the huge numbers of Chinese immigrants entering Tibet as part of government population transfer.

Discriminatory Allocation of Housing [Read]
Eviction and Demolition [Read]
Erasing Tibetan Culture in the name of "Beautification" [Read]
"Nationalities Characteristic" Construction [Read]
Residential Segregation and Discriminatory Development [Read]
Restrictions on Freedom of Movement and Residence [Read]
Arbitrary Searches and Intrusion of Privacy [Read]

Discrimination in Public Representation [Read]

... these rights hold little sway on the way in which political power is actually distributed in Tibet, for each tier of administration is tightly connected to and monitored by the central Communist Party of China, who, as we have seen, continue to enforce discriminatory policies against the Tibetan people. The actual commitment made by China to listening to, or even allowing, Tibetan voices and opinions can be seen by the fact that the most senior political position in Tibet - the Party Secretary of the Regional CCP - has never been occupied by a Tibetan, even after 40 years of Communist rule.

Nominal Autonomy and Communist Control [Read]
Token Tibetan Representation [Read]
The Role of Tibetan Cadres [Read]
Corrupt and Farcical Elections [Read]
Village Self-Government and Neighbourhood Committees [Read]
The Right to Complain and Freedom of Association [Read]
General Intimidation and Oppression [Read]

Recommendations

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About the Web Version of this Publication

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Abbreviations

CCP:: Chinese Communist Party
CEDAW:: Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
CPPCC:: Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference
CRC:: Convention on the Rights of the Child
ICCPR:: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
ICERD:: International Covenant on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
ICESCR:: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
NPC:: National People's Congress
PAP:: People's Armed Police
PLA:: People's Liberation Army
PRC:: People's Republic of China
PSB:: Public Security Bureau
TAP:: Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture
TAR:: Tibetan Autonomous Region
UDHR:: Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Executive Summary

Racism, and the discrimination that results from it, has existed in societies across the world for centuries. With the astonishing speed of globalization, sociological distinctions and issues of identity have become occasions for conflict, victims of an increasingly ethnocentric world. Diversity is no longer a source of celebration, but rather a factor inviting fear and intolerance. While we have come a long way from the days of black slavery in America, perceptions of biological differences such as skin colour continue to carry social meaning and prejudice, and inter-religious hostility has been the source of some of the most bloody conflicts in recent years. Therefore, if we are to make any real progress in this new millenium, it must be through a new understanding and acceptance of human diversity, while at the same time acknowledging that at heart, we are all the same.

The issue of race has always been of great significance in ancient Chinese mythology, which traditionally equated degrees of remoteness from the imperial centre with levels of cultural savagery and physical coarseness. The term "barbarian", associated so closely with animality and ignorance, was first used over 2000 years ago in the interpretation of classical Confucian texts, but still finds expression today in official Chinese references to Tibetans as a "backward" and "barbaric" race. This is not to suggest China has not advanced intellectually in the last two millennia, but rather that it has adapted and incorporated ancient racial prejudices and hierarchies to serve its contemporary goal of "motherland uniformity". Reducing "minority nationalities" to manageable, subordinate stereotypes - which can then be subdued through derogatory propaganda, economic pressures and sheer force of numbers - has long been a tactic of the Party in defusing resistance. Furthermore, the shameless cultivation of Han Chinese superiority by Party leaders remains largely unchecked by the western media, which focus their criticism on the occasional torture and imprisonment of individual political activists, rather than the broader demographic changes affecting the grassroots survival of the Tibetan population as a whole.

Official Chinese propaganda fosters the idea that only westerners are guilty of racism and that China places itself in firm opposition to such "imperialist" tactics. Yet China has, from the very beginning, refused to treat Tibet on a basis of equality. It justified its 1949 invasion of the peaceful country on the basis of allowing the "civilized" Chinese to "liberate" the "backward" Tibetans, instantly invoking a structure of racial hierarchy that would intensify over the next 50 years. Indeed, the rhetoric of Han superiority has constituted a fundamental component of the Chinese world-view for centuries, and it is from within this ethnocentric framework that perceptions of other races have always been constructed. However, it would be wrong to deduce from this that the Chinese people are, by way of the ideology that has shaped their country, innately racist. The extent to which Communist Party tenets infiltrate and control Chinese society cannot be underestimated, and the horrific suppression of protest in Tiananmen Square in 1989 illustrates the intimidatory lengths the ruling elite are willing to go to ensure civilian subordination. The more important question lies therefore in determining just how much of the prejudice that Tibetans have reported reflects a passive submission to the cult of nationalist egotism, and how much actually arises from a genuine feeling of superiority.

From the testimonies, news reports and field research compiled in this study, the answer would appear to be an equal mixture of both. Chinese citizens still find their lives dictated by the views of the ruling Party elite as the recent crackdown on the Falun gong sect demonstrated. Many in turn appear to have formulated their own sense of superiority to Tibetans through the perception of the latter's marginal and impoverished status in society. Chinese immigrants pouring into Tibet from the eastern regions of China know only the image of "backward" Tibet propagated by the Party since 1949, and therefore tend to connect the current diminished status of Tibetans with this distorted history, rather than with the discriminatory policies enforced under Chinese rule. In one sense they cannot be blamed for this misconception, but where they are at fault is in simply accepting this inequality as the status quo, and freely reaping the rightful economic benefits of the Tibetans. In many areas of Tibet these immigrant populations have made it demographically impossible for Tibetans to participate on an equal basis in society, yet the flow shows no sign of easing. Systematic discrimination in the spheres of employment, health, housing, education and political representation continues to restrict Tibetan involvement in the development of their own country, and has denigrated Tibetan status in society to the point of their being seen as second-class citizens by virtue of their race alone.

Promises made of autonomy and the preservation of traditional Tibetan culture has lost its substance a long time ago, and it is now clear that China intends to swallow Tibet and its people into the expanding stomach of the "great motherland". However, unlike Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong and most recently Macau, Tibet has not settled easily under Communist rule, and together with Taiwan continues to stick in the Party's throat. Widespread international support has helped keep Tibet an active issue of protest, but the injustices and inequalities enforced in Tibet will soon be irrevocable if immediate action is not taken. The 2001 World Conference on Racism is therefore a perfect opportunity for the international community to open its eyes to the discrimination faced by the Tibetan people - discrimination that needs to be redressed urgently before Chinese-occupied Tibet becomes the graveyard for an entire nation.

Overview of Racial Discrimination in Tibet

Employment:
With the massive population transfer of Han Chinese into Tibet, the employment sphere has become intensely competitive, with priority continually accorded to Chinese workers. Fluency in the Chinese language has become a determining factor in candidate selection, marginalising Tibetans who must learn it as a second tongue. As a result, many Tibetans have reported only obtaining employment through bribery and guanxi (connections with officials). Biased regulations concerning the allocation of business permits have also ensured Chinese domination in the commercial sector, where illegal practices of copying and underselling have driven local Tibetans out of business. Those who depend on agricultural subsistence for survival in the rural areas also find themselves forced to trade with the local Chinese officials, who buy from them at greatly reduced prices than those the farmers would receive at market. Where Chinese and Tibetan workers undertake the same employment, widespread wage discrimination has been reported, with Tibetans receiving salaries that are half, and sometimes even less, than their Chinese counterparts. Many Tibetans who had held steady jobs also suffered unexpected discriminatory dismissals in order to make room for the ever-increasing Chinese work force arriving from outside Tibet. Finally, Tibetans are made to complete long periods of compulsory, unpaid labour, often constructing residential and office buildings destined for Chinese occupants.

Healthcare:
The Chinese government continues to claim that primary healthcare is free in Tibet, but refugees escaping across the border cite numerous discriminatory charges that are implemented throughout the country. The most significant of these is the hospital deposit, which may be as much as 5000 yuan, is required for admission into hospital regardless of the severity of illness. Many Tibetans who are already economically marginalised through the afore-mentioned discriminatory employment practices cannot afford these charges, and have died after being denied treatment. Because of the lack of drugs at all levels, many Tibetans, particularly nomads, are purposefully given expired or incorrect medicine because the doctors know they are illiterate and unable to detect this malpractice. Admitted patients are also subject to highly discriminatory treatment, with the Chinese receiving priority access to the best facilities, often free of charge as opposed to Tibetans, who are put in dirty wards and made to pay. Those Tibetans who have been injured by Chinese police during or after a political demonstration also report being denied treatment on the basis that they are "disloyal to the Chinese motherland". Tibetans are also subject to strict birth control regulations, and are frequently forced to undergo forced sterilization and abortion to fulfil official quotas. This is in spite of the current high level of infant mortality among Tibetan children, which is three times that of mainland China.

Education:
The structure and funding of the education system in Tibet today is highly discriminatory, with government expenditure largely concentrated on developing schools in areas with high populations of Chinese settlers. Tibetan parents and children also report having to pay extortionate fees and miscellaneous expenses "inapplicable" to Chinese students, despite claims by the central Chinese government that primary education is free. Perhaps the greatest problem are the biased curriculums, which focus on Chinese history, language and economics and forbid any teaching of Tibetan history or culture. Those children who do manage to make it to secondary education then find themselves largely disadvantaged by the widespread use of the Chinese language, in which they have had no formal tuition. Students also report discriminatory examinations, whereby Tibetans must obtain higher pass marks than Chinese students, and where bribery once again determines the future of the candidate. As a result, some Tibetans have chosen to send their children to school outside the TAR, but in China they are indoctrinated with communist ideology and are encouraged by their teachers to cut off all contact with their Tibetan heritage. Those who escape to India risk losing their lives in the process. It is because of this discrimination in education that so many Tibetans are disadvantaged in all other sectors later in life.

Housing:
Tibetans face large-scale discrimination in this sector, mainly as a result of the afore-mentioned population transfer into Tibet. Discriminatory allocation procedures ensure that Chinese immigrants are either guaranteed housing on arrival in Tibet or are put at the top of the waiting list. To make room for the new arrivals, huge numbers of Tibetan families and even whole neighbourhoods have faced eviction from and demolition of their traditional residences. Those relocated were often given no compensation, and forced to pay new rents up to ten times as much as for their previous dwellings. The official justification for this destruction is "beautification" - creating modern, "socialist" cities in accordance with Chinese interpretations of "beauty". This has invariably resulted in cities dominated by the monotonous uniformity of Chinese concrete blocks, where a small number of superficial "Tibetan-style" buildings constitute the sole architectural expression of Tibetan culture. Those Tibetan communities that survive this "beautification" find themselves dwarfed by modern Chinese settlements, where residential segregation has led to the development of discriminatory facilities. Government subsidies for the development of basic resources such as running water, electricity and proper sanitation are concentrated solely upon Chinese areas, while Tibetan communities are left to fend for themselves. Nor do Tibetans have the chance to leave their dwellings and move to better areas, for the Chinese household registration system places heavy restrictions on their freedom of movement and residence, and rarely awards the necessary permission for such a move to anyone other than Chinese settlers. To ensure that illegal transfers of residence are kept to an absolute minimum, the Chinese security police also regularly subject Tibetans to arbitrary searches, breaking the rule enshrined in the Chinese Constitution itself concerning the intrusion of privacy. Together, these discriminatory practices have not only lowered the standard of living for Tibetans inside Tibet, but also substantially increased the number of homeless living on the streets.

Public Representation:
In 1965, China declared Tibet an "autonomous" region, able to govern itself and make its own administrative decisions. 35 years later, the label "autonomous" rings as false as it did all those years, for the country is still tightly under the thumb of central Party rule. Communist control penetrates every level of society, and Tibet enjoys no more political freedom of expression than it did during the Cultural Revolution. While there are a number of Tibetans holding positions of authority within this system, they constitute only a token representation, and do not actually possess any real or effective power to make decisions. This is equally true of the Tibetan cadres who work within the government - their every action is carefully monitored and, if necessary, censored by Party officials appointed to ensure that the "stability of the motherland" is not compromised. The vast majority of those holding power in the "TAR" are Chinese or Tibetans who have been carefully vetted and selected by higher authorities, and only these candidates are permitted to stand for the farcical elections. The few attempts the government has made to allow the voice of the people to be heard, such as the introduction of Village Self-Government and Neighbourhood Committees, have in fact transpired to be facilities whereby the grass-roots loyalty of Tibetans may be more effectively monitored, and if necessary, "enforced". No political group may be set up by the people without prior endorsement from the central Party government, which not only violates the Tibetan's right to freedom of association, but also denies them any effective avenues through which to make complaints. This is of particular importance to this report, as it prevents Tibetans from fighting the discrimination practiced in all other sectors of society, such as employment, healthcare, education and housing.

A Note on the Interviews

Unless otherwise stated, all the interviews contained in this report were conducted by staff at the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, India, or its branch office in Kathmandu, Nepal.

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