Prisoners of Tibet
Contents:
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Introduction
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The right to life, liberty and security of a person
is a fundamental right entrenched in Article 3 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The following pages
illustrate the cases of people held in prison for merely
exercising their fundamental human rights.
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Background
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Almost three decades after the 1959 national
uprising by the people of Tibet against Chinese
aggression, the Chinese government had abandoned
the possibility of another uprising. Therefore
the demonstrations that occurred in 1987 not
only exposed the potential threat for the Chinese
government of their stability in Tibet but also
became a catalyst for further series of similar outbreaks.
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Profiles of Current Political Prisoners:
1
2
3
4
5
6
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Endnotes
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Index of Names
The right to life, liberty and security of a person
is a fundamental right entrenched in Article 3 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The following pages
illustrate the cases of people held in prison for merely
exercising their fundamental human rights. This usually
takes the form of small peaceful demonstrations and the
distribution or display of materials calling for the
respect of human rights and Tibet's independence. Many
of these individuals have already served long sentences
deprived of their freedoms; for some this may be
the second or third time they have been imprisoned.
Chinese authorities have made modifications to the Criminal
Procedure Law (CPL) by replacing `counter-revolutionary'
with `offences against state security.' Introduction
of new criminal laws targeted at crushing `terrorist'
activity in Tibet is vaguely worded, thus more open to
wider interpretation. Reports of Tibetans arrested for
alleged `espionage' activities on behalf of the Tibetan
Government-in-Exile indicates a complete absence of
any supporting evidence other than the fact that they
had visited India for a number of reasons, mainly for
pilgrimage.
Within the decade of the 1980's, the Chinese government
adopted two policies that are drastically different.
In the early 1980's, the Chinese government had relaxed
its hold on Tibet and was giving Tibetans more religious
and economic freedoms. This coincided with the opening of
Tibet to the outside world. However in 1988, China imposed
Martial Law in Lhasa after Tibetans protested Chinese
occupation in Tibet through a massive demonstration.
Since the imposition of Martial Law, the Chinese government
has controlled the flow of information to and from Tibet.
It was owing to the presence of foreign visitors at the
1987 demonstrations that the world was made aware of the
massive human rights abuses in Tibet for the first time.
The need of foreign observers in Tibet is essential in
order to scrutinise China's human rights violations in
Tibet. Unfortunately, the Chinese authorities appear determined
to prevent this scrutiny. The total number of political prisoners
detained cannot be determined with any great precision.
The term `political prisoner' used here is not accepted
by the Chinese authorities, who maintain that no one
can be detained solely on account of their views or
opinions. However, this statement is not consistent
with Chinese legislation which defines crimes of
counter-revolution under the Chinese Criminal Code
(1980) as "all acts endangering the PRC committed
with the goal of overthrowing the political power of
the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist
system" (Article 90). As you read the profiles, you
will find that virtually all tried prisoners listed have
been charged because they dared to exercise their right to
freedom of expression. This acts have been interpreted
as plotting to "dismember the state" (article
92) and "inciting the masses to resist or sabotage
the implementation of the state's laws or decrees"
(article 102, paragraph 1). As noted elsewhere, the
updating of State Security Laws and Public Security Laws in
1993-94, has strengthened the legal grounds of detention
for offences such as "spreading rumours"
and "stealing state secrets." In March 1995,
the Chinese authorities introduced specific adaptations
of these instructions for Tibet. Examination of trial
documents from Tibet shows that, for example, privately
compiled lists of prisoners are considered "state
secrets." Prisoners accused of `counter-revolutionary
offences' in Tibet, who in most cases have neither used nor
threatened to use violence, can therefore be reasonably
described as political prisoners. The categories under
which prisoners are listed describe the circumstances
leading to their arrest. This reveals that the two largest
categories of offence are demonstrating and distributing
leaflets.
Reasons for Arrest
The detainees are normally kept under three categories.
When the Public Security Bureau (PSB) first detains them,
prisoners are put
in a police lock-up or detention centre, and held without
charge. A procuratorate then investigates their cases;
this can take three months or longer. Following this,
the prisoner is either:
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released without charge.
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sentenced without trial to a `re-education through labour'
unit usually for two to three years, extendable to four
years by law, and apparently four and a half years in
practise in some cases.
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"arrested," i.e. charged with an offence and sentenced.
After the court sentences the prisoner, he or she is then
transferred to either a regular prison or a `re-education
through labour' unit to serve his or her sentence.
Pre-trial Detention: The revised CPL eliminated the
sixth form of pre-trial detention known as `shelter and
investigation'(Chinese: shourong shencha). This
elimination may appear to be a major setback for the
police, however, the decision of the National People's
Congress (NPC) in 1996 is alleged to be conveniently
accommodating similar kind of abuse of power. Firstly, the
standard of arrest has been relaxed. Instead of having
to produce clarification on the principal facts of the
crime, under Article 60 of the revised CPL an arrest can be
authorised if there is "evidence to prove the facts of the
crime". Secondly, the provisions in the CPL for pre-trial
detention have been expanded to include the categories of
persons to which "shelter and investigation" was meant for.
Thirdly the period of detention have been increased from
seven days to thirty and finally the period within which
the procuratorate must make its decision whether or not to
authorise arrest has been lengthened, from three to seven
days. Moreover, there are provisions in the CPL granting
police greater leeway to detain suspects prior to trial.
It is during this period of detention that `suspects'
are susceptible to the worst kind of treatment without
being given an effective opportunity to have his or her
case heard promptly by a judicial or similar
authority.
Often little information is available about political
prisoners, due to the difficulty that surrounds the
ability to acquire information following their arrest.
Monitoring information on prisoners is difficult due to the
isolation of political prisoners, the secrecy surrounding
political trials, and the lack of response from the
Chinese authorities. The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights
and Democracy (TCHRD) considers all political prisoners in
Tibet to be arbitrarily detained. As of August 2000, there
are approximately 500 known Tibetan political prisoners in
Chinese administered prisons in Tibet, out of which 233
are known to be serving prison sentences of five years
and above.
Prisoners of Tibet
is designed to be used as an informative literature and
reference material. The index lists all current political
prisoners, who are serving five years or more. A direct
lead is given next to a name or an event for further
details. Although this might prove tedious at times,
it was intended to avoid repetition. Also, for detailed
information on all those political prisoners who have died
as a direct result of torture in prisons, the Centre has
produced a report in Tibetan featuring death profiles on
political prisoners.
Although, it is difficult for TCHRD to obtain specific
details on political prisoners, we have however tried to
be as accurate as possible. This is particularly due to
the flow of information coming from Tibet, multiple names
and ambiguity from informers. In addition, the Tibetan
Calendar runs different from the Gregorian Calendar.
When TCHRD receives information regarding specific dates,
such as a prisoner's arrest or trial it is difficult
to determine if the dates referred to are Tibetan or
Gregorian.
Former political prisoners, who are the major source of
information, are often unable to give specific information
of the events they have
experienced or witnessed. Moreover, many of them often
want to forget the time that they have spent in prison,
owing to the incessant and brutal torture undergone by
them. In view of these realities, TCHRD is continuously
updating and correcting its information on political
prisoners.
Due to the obstacles faced in obtaining information,
several profiles are brief or lack political reasons for
arrest. By conducting interviews with former political
prisoners reaching Nepal or India, TCHRD has been able to
document current political prisoners in Tibet. However,
details on the prisoners are still lacking in a number
of cases. This report will only include information
available on current political prisoners serving five
years or more.
This report is dedicated to all those Tibetans who risk
their lives to defend human rights for Tibetans.
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