September 2006
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A Tibetan monk arrested for allegedly displaying pro-independence poster a year ago
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Panchen Lama's disappearance case highlighted at the United Nations
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Exiled Tibetans forced to return back
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One more monk of Kandze arrested
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Railway, Development and Myth
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2006 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom
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Biography of former political prisoner Norbu Dradul
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Panel Discussion during Democracy Day
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Talk to Students
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Media Workshop
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Screening of Movie
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Workshop in Mundgod
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Workshop in Dalhousie
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According to information received from
Radio Free Asia on 7 September 2006,
Chinese security officials arrested Jinpa, a
monk of Taklung Monastery based in
Choktsang village, Sertha county, Kandze
Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. His arrest
is possibly in connection with the appearance
of pro-independence posters supporting
Tibetan independence displayed a year ago
at the monastery, although no arrests were
made at the time.
Around 1 p.m. on Aug. 23, a team of
armed police arrived in two vehicles from
the nearby regional town of Dartsedo
County and surrounded the monastery.
They did not allow anybody to leave or enter
the area. Some members of the team went
inside the monastery and arrested Jinpa.
Security officials also searched his room but
found no incriminating materials that suggest
his involvement. Moreover, the official never
explained reasons for his arrest. At present
he is being detained in Dartsedo (Dardo)
County, Kandze Tibetan Autonomous
Prefecture, and his sentence has not been
confirmed.
Earlier in 1995, Trulku Gawo Kyes of
Nubsur Monastery, Sertha County, Kandze
Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture was
sentenced to 17 years imprisonment for
handing out pro-independence posters and
was subjected to severe inhuman torture.
TCHRD fears that if Jinpa involvement with
appearance of pro-independence poster is
proved, he may be subjected to the same
treatment as Trulku Gawa.
Jinpa's arrest was the second arrest made in
Kandze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture this
year, related to the display of proindependence
posters. A month earlier
Chinese authorities in Kandze arrested a 16-
year-old Tibetan girl named Yiwang for
handing out pro-independence leaflets.
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On 19 September 2006, nine NGOs with United Nations Consultative Status raised the case of the missing Panchen Lama (which is recognised by the Dalai Lama) of Tibet during its second day meeting of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland. The dialogue was in connection with a presentation to the Council of the 2005 report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance of the final session of the dissolved UN Commission on Human Rights.
The two-minute joint NGO statement delivered by Movement Against Racism and Friendship Among All Peoples (MRAP) said: "We remain deeply concerned about the disappearance of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima and his parents, and request the Working Group to update the Human Rights Council about its current efforts on this outstanding case. Furthermore, we would like to know what is the opinion of the Working Group about the recommendation made last year by the Committee on the Rights of the Child that, China allow an independent expert to visit and confirm the well-being of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima while respecting his right to privacy, and that of his parents."
Apart from MRAP, the other NGOs who jointly raised the case of the Panchen Lama were, International Fellowship of Reconciliation, Society for Threatened Peoples, Transnational Radical Party, Interfaith International, Asian Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Network, Pax Romana, International Federation for the Protection of Ethnic, Religious, Linguistic and other Minorities and Forum Asia.
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TCHRD received information from a reliable source that, 23 year old Tsering Tashi and his 20 year old wife Kalsang Dekyi reached the Tibetan Reception Centre, Kathmandu, Nepal on 13 October 2005. It was during their seven month stay at Kathmandu Reception Centre that the couple gave birth to a baby girl. After the baby girl’s birth they were sent to the Tibetan Reception Center, Dharamsala, India, like most new arrivals from Tibet.
After seeking audience of the Dalai Lama they joined (Transit school) for further study, but Kalsang Dekyi and her child chose to stay in Dharamsala, which is about ten kilometers away from the transit school. However, Tsering Tashi quit the school after staying there for barely 20 days. Since he has considerable proficiency in Tibetan language, he hoped to find a job that demands command and knowledge of the Tibetan language. As he was in search of a job in Dharamsala, he was interrupted by a visit of his parents from Tibet.
In June 2006, Tsering Tashi’s parents came to Dharamsala to visit him. His parents came on a pilgrimage to India. It was during their departure that the Chinese authorities and local police officials from Gertse County, Ngari Prefecture, "Tibet Autonomous Region" ("TAR") directed his parents to bring back their son from India. The Chinese officials visited their home twice, and on both occasions they inquired about their son’s whereabouts. On first inquiry his father gave a false lead to the local police explaining that their son had gone to Nagchu. During the second account, his father lied to local police that their son had gone to the border district of Dram for business purposes. Nonetheless, the police officials ordered them to bring their son Tsering back home. If they failed to deliver their directive they would land in dire trouble. In light of all these circumstances, Tsering was forced to return to Tibet much to his dismay.
On 9 August 2006, Tsering reached the Tibetan reception centre, Kathmandu, Nepal and was in the process of securing a travel permit for his travel from Dram to Lhasa. He told TCHRD that, "Without the travel permit, there is every possibility of being arrested by Chinese border patrolling officer. And if I am arrested, then my entire family is bound to suffer the wrath of Chinese government. I am filled with worries and anxiety when pondering over what lay in store for my family and myself. Moreover, my younger brother, who is currently employed in the Chinese Army who is at present deployed at Sino-Indian border in Ladakh will be stripped off from his job, in case I am arrested. At the same time, my family will also brunt serious repercussions because of my arrest."
Tsering comes from Gertse village, Voma Township, Gertse County, Ngari Prefecture, "TAR" while his wife hails from Shigatse Prefecture, "TAR". Tsering’s family depends on agriculture farming for their livelihood. At the age of 6, he joined the Public Primary School in Gertse village and studied there till the sixth grade. Afterwards, he joined the government middle school in Gertse County and completed his middle school education in four years. Afterwards he appeared for the army recruitment exam in the county and was recruited into the army.
According to Tsering, around 450 Tibetans appeared for the exam, but only 20 Tibetans were selected. The selected candidates were made to undergo six months training. After the training, Tsering was posted to guard the border in Pu-Hring. He was stationed at the border for three years and during that time he received a salary of 300/- Yuan per month. During his time at the Pu-Hring border, 30 soldiers were stationeds and they guarded the border simultaneously. Out of the 30 soldiers, there were only two Tibetans. After three years, Tsering resigned from his army job and returned home. For two years, he worked as a cab driver for traders doing business between Lhasa and Ngachu. It was only last year that he and his wife came into exile, but now he was forced to return to Tibet by the Chinese authorities. It is difficult to envisage what kind of future lays in store for him after being formally deported to the local Chinese police.
Nonetheless, it will likely be an enduring period of intimidation and forced interrogations by the Chinese authorities about the reasons for his going to exile in India.
TCHRD is deeply concerned about the well-being of many Tibetan exile returnees, who were forced to return by harassing the exiles’ parents and siblings. According to article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which the People Republic of China (PRC) signed on 5 October 1998 state that "Everyone shall be free to leave any country, including his own" and "No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country".
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TCHRD received information from RFA that local Chinese security officials of Kandze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan province arrested Lobsang Palden, a monk of Kandze Monastery, based on mere suspicions that he has been involved in political activities.
According to RFA, the 22 year-old monk was arrested at his monastery on 15 August this year and the local authorities have not given the reason for his arrest till date.
Lobsang was born in 1984 to a Mr. Shakya and Ugyen Tso in Jo-Gong-nong, Phopa Village, Kandze County, Kandze TAP, Sichuan Province. He joined the Kandze Monastery five years ago and he has been a very simple and disciplined monk. Since he has no past track record in crimes such as murder and thievery, it is very clear that he was arrested only on political grounds. After his arrest he was not even allowed to contact his parents and siblings. Moreover, he was not given a document which describes his alleged offences.
Sources reveal that Chinese security officials have arrested eight monks from Kandze area this year where opposition to Chinese rule in Tibet appears to be on the rise. Lobsang was the eighth monk to be arrested by Chinese police.
Sources also said that, though Chinese officials are implementing a broader crackdown on anti-Chinese sentiment, the number of incidents of protest involving the putting up of posters, painting on government buildings, and displaying Tibetan flags are on increase.
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After seven years of official slogans, rhetoric and controversy, the much hyped and controversial Railway line was finally completed on 1 July 2006. The project was conceived during the last years of President Jiang Zemin’s tenure. It was part of the much-lauded campaign of the great ‘Western Development Strategy’ (WDS) or ‘Xibu da kaifa’ [Chinese]. The main goal of the campaign was to develop the poor western regions of China to achieve the level of modernization and development seen in the coastal regions of China, decades after the bold and daring economic reforms introduced by patriarch Deng Xiaoping. The "Western Development Strategy" was seen as a continuation of Deng Xiaoping’s economic reform, calling for a ‘few to become rich first’, and for this wealth to then be transferred to the poor kinsmen in the central and western hinterland.
It was in the name of bringing development to the western regions that the Qingzang Railway line was constructed with massive central funding and scale of political ‘will’ never seen before in any development ventures. Despite the controversies, protest and criticism from human rights groups , the Qingzang Railway came to be seen as a ‘shining symbol of development’ in the eyes of the world. But is it, and will it be, a ‘symbol of development’ in the larger context, taking into consideration many domestic factors?
On 1 July 2006 Chinese President Hu Jintao cut the red ribbon, and the Qingzang Railway was opened to the world. It was followed by pomp celebration and hailed as a remarkable engineering achievement in Chinese history. The efficiency of the railway is yet to be tested but considering the harsh terrain, climate and altitude, the construction was certainly a breakthrough and represents a fulfillment of Dr. Sun Yat Sen’s century old dream. However, technical achievement alone does not amount to economic development: on the contrary it will take time for the professed objectives to be fulfilled.
It is, therefore, difficult to ascertain the developmental and economic benefits of the railway to the local Tibetan people, despite the officials’ claims and rhetoric. The construction of a railroad of this magnitude betrays one major motivation of the Beijing leadership: to enhance China’s economic grip and command over Tibet. At no point during the construction of the railway have the Tibetan people been consulted or their opinions been sought.
Both the private and government media in China overwhelmingly described it as an ‘engineering marvel’, as ‘ promoting tourism’ and as ‘uncovering a mysterious land to the Chinese and the outside world’. Ironically, the true objectives of the railway were barely discussed in the media. It still remains a matter of speculation as to how it is going to serve the purpose of Tibetan nomads and farmers. From the outset, the railway has been a cause of concern for Tibetan nomads and farmers. The Qingzang Railway was one of the four major projects of the Tenth Five- Year Plan. The other three important projects were the construction of the West-East Gas Pipeline, the South-North Water Transfer, and the West-East Electric Power Transmission.
Of all the projects, the Qingzang Railway received the most critical attention from all quarters. It is the most expensive project ever undertaken in Tibet both in terms of political will and financial resources.
The Qingzang Railway is the world highest railway, reaching 5000m at its highest point. The route starts at Golmud which is roughly 2,800m, then it climbs the Kunlun mountains via the Kunlun Pass at a height of 4,722m. It then climbs further, crossing the 5000m high Dangla Pass. The railway then descends towards the Nagqu region, and enters Lhasa at around 3,590m. In total the Qingzang railway line is 1142 km long. 7% of the track consists of bridges and tunnels; the longest tunnel is 1720 meters. The total expenditure on the project reached 4.1 billion dollars, the most ever spent in Tibet on a single project.
Melinda Liu, in her article "Bound to the Tracks", paints a realistic picture of the implications of the railway, "More than a century since the opening of the transcontinental railway in Utah, Warburton’s analogy holds true. But in this case what many people see is not so much a golden spike as a nail in Tibet’s coffin. Ever since Chinese communist forces marched into Lhasa in 1951, Beijing has spared no effort to cement its hold on the population and stamp out every trace of Tibetan separatism. The 2.5 million ethnic Tibetans of the Tibet Autonomous Region (its official name today) are hopelessly outnumbered by China’s 1.2 billion Han Chinese. Long before the laying of the tracks, Han Chinese sightseers, entrepreneurs and migrant laborers were streaming into Lhasa, transforming the ancient Tibetan capital with shops and services that cater to lowlander tastes. Of the roughly 100,000 laborers who built the $4.2 billion Golmud-Lhasa stretch, only 10 percent were ethnic Tibetans, according to Zhu Zhensheng, the Railway Ministry’s project chief."
Railway and Myth of Economic Development
The controversy of the railway lies in the fact that the true motivations for its construction differ from those articulated by President Jiang Zemin. The official railway advertisement, aired frequently on government television, shows it bringing development and economic prosperity to Tibetan farmers and nomads. However, former President Jiang Zemin, who vociferously and almost single handedly spearheaded and endorsed the construction of the railway, has admitted the political motivations behind the construction.
According to official statements, the railway has been constructed to promote development in the region. The official Xinhua News Agency, in its article ‘Qinghai-Tibet Railway Boost Pride and Economies’ chalked out the economic plans. It claimed, "As the Qinghai-Tibet railway gets set to launch its maiden run on July 1, not only is national pride on the rise but continuing analysis of the practical benefits show the region is likely to experience an economic boom... Now developers can seriously consider mining and manufacturing as viable industries for Qinghai and Tibet. The railway will mean they can now get heavy machinery into the remote, resource-rich region and in turn they can move raw materials by the millions of tons all the way to port cities. The railway is expected to have its biggest and most immediate impact on Tibet’s tourism industry. Even in its relative remoteness more than 2.5 million tourists are expected to come to Tibet this year. Now that travelers can jump a train in Shanghai and get off in Lhasa tourism is expected to double by 2010 with annual direct tourism income of 5.8 billion yuan (725 million U.S. dollars), said Xu Hao, deputy director of the Tibet regional tourism department. The regional government is working hard on improving tourist infrastructure to meet the influx of visitors that are expected by the end of the decade".
According to the report published by Xinhua News Agency, the economic incentives and promotion of development in Tibet are China’s aims and objectives. However, in an interview with the New York Times on 10th August 2001, Jiang Zemin stated: "Recently a project has been launched to build a railroad from Golmud (in Qinghai province) to Lhasa. It will be built through permafrost area at 4,000 to 5,000 meters elevation. Some people advised me not to go ahead with this project because it is not commercially viable. I said this is a political decision, we will make this project succeed at all costs, even if there is a commercial loss".
The construction of the Qingzang Railway is a true engineering marvel. It marks the fulfillment of part of Dr. Sun Yat Sen’s grand railway plan of 1921. For more than two millennia, Tibet remained a completely landlocked country with limited interaction with the outside world. There were no highways in pre-1950 Tibet; the physical exploitation of Tibet’s resources and the taming of the wild, harsh terrain and climate was an alien concept then. All developmental scientists and economists would agree that in terms of material, science and infrastructure, Tibet had remained cloistered in backwardness for centuries. It is true that with Chinese intervention in 1950, Tibet entered an era of transformation and modernisation; over the last four decades, the Chinese government has poured in trillions of yuans in financial resources, assistance, investment, infrastructure and projects. Of all of the investments and projects since China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950, the Qingzang Railway is the most expensive venture ever undertaken.
However, no development project can be judged in isolation, irrespective of its supposed brilliance. It has to be viewed against many backdrops, and should be considered all perspectives, domestic factors, regional sensitivities, nationalities and ethnic issues, particularly the humanitarian implications. There is a ‘rights’ based aspect to development, considering the ‘right to self-determination’ of the subjects or community of people which it is intended to benefit and serve. A development project should not be devised to serve the vested political interests of an individual, corporate company, political party or regime, nor should it be at an unreasonable cost to humanity, or lead to the violation of the human rights of a particular community, ethnic or indigenous people.
The ‘Declaration on the Right to Development’, adopted by General Assembly resolution 41/128 on 4th December 1986 promised every human being the right to development and the right to participate in and reap the benefits and fruits of development.
The General Assembly
Bearing in mind the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations relating to the achievement of international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian nature, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion,
Recognizing that development is a comprehensive economic, social, cultural and political process, which aims at the constant improvement of the well-being of the entire population and of all individuals on the basis of their active, free and meaningful participation in development and in the fair distribution of benefits resulting therefrom,
Considering that under the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in that Declaration can be fully realized,
Recalling the provisions of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights..."
Therefore all development enterprise must address and meet the needs of those it affects. It is with this borne in mind that the railway is a cause for concern for both environmentalist and human rights groups, who have questioned how it undermines the long-term interests of the Tibetan people.
It is crucial for the Tibetan community that their rights as enshrined in international law are recognised. The Communist Party of China asserts its legitimacy and power by claiming that it represents peasants and workers. However, the Chinese state often implements policies and development projects without consulting peasants and workers. The Chinese constitution prioritizes the interests of the Chinese people and respects their human rights. Article 33 of Chinese Constitution states that:
"The State respects and preserves human rights".
Many domestic laws of China also recognize and pay respect to fundamental human rights. It is therefore the duty of the Chinese state to implement and effect the framework of human rights as enshrined in Chinese national law. The preservation of human rights by its logical extension should include the recognition of the right to development as outlined in the UN Declaration, as well as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights to which China is a signatory. This report attempts to ascertain whether the Tibetan people have been guaranteed the ‘right to development’, or been given due opportunity to participate in the development process.
Article 1 of the ‘Declaration on the Right to Development’ called for, "The right to development is an inalienable human right by virtue of which every human person and all peoples are entitled to participate in, contribute to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realized."
The spirit of the preamble of the ‘Declaration on the Right to Development’ guided the State to take and consider the benefits and interests of the people as the most important priority. The preamble called the State to recognise "that the human person is the central subject of the development process and that development policy should therefore make the human being the main participant and beneficiary of development. Recognizing that the creation of conditions favorable to the development of peoples and individuals is the primary responsibility of their States."
To be continued in next issue...
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The U.S Department of State raised concerns over religious freedom in Tibet, Xinjiang and China in their "International Religious Freedom Report 2006". The eighth report, which was released in the month of September this year by Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, covered the period of research between 1 July 2005 to 30 June 2006.
According to Mr. John Hanford, an Ambassador at large for International Religious Freedom, deplores the continuous repression on religious freedom by People’s Republic of China (PRC). He stated that, "Since 1999, PRC always remain under the country of high concern on religious freedom. But still, the level of repression on religious freedom was always on the rise."
On Tibet, the report states that, "The Chinese Government maintained tight controls on religious practices and places of worship in Tibetan areas. Although the authorities permitted many traditional religious practices and public manifestations of belief, they promptly and forcibly suppressed activities they viewed as vehicles for political dissent or advocacy of Tibetan independence, such as religious activities venerating the Dalai Lama (which the Governement described as "splittist").
Though Government officials maintained that possessing or displaying pictures of the Dalai Lama was not illegal and that most TAR residents chose not to display his picture. Nevertheless, authorities appeared to view possession of such photos as evidence of separatist sentiment when detaining individuals on political charges. Pictures of the Dalai Lama were not openly displayed in major monasteries and could not be purchased openly in the TAR. The Government continued to ban pictures of Gendun Choekyi Nyima, the boy recognized by the Dalai Lama as the Panchen Lama."
The report continues that, "Security was intensified during the Dalai Lama’s birthday, sensitive anniversaries, and festival days in the TAR and in some other Tibetan areas. The prohibition on celebrating the Dalai Lama’s birthday on July 6 continued. The Government reportedly altered traditional dates of Tibetan festivals such as the Drepung Shodon Festival. In June, some Tibetans were ordered not to visit temples and monasteries during the Saka Dawa Festival. Some government employees were told that they would lose their jobs or have their wages reduced if they disobeyed this order."
Dozens of monks and nuns continued to serve prison terms for their resistance to "patriotic" or political education. The Government refused free access to Tibetan areas for international observers, tightly controlled observers who were granted access, and tightly controlled publication of information about conditions in Tibet. These restrictions made it impossible to determine accurately the scope of religious freedom violations."
Government officials have stated that the patriotic education campaign, which began in 1996 and often consisted of intensive, weeks-long sessions conducted by outside work teams, ended in 2000. However, officials stated openly that monks and nuns undergo political education on a regular basis, generally less than four times a year, but occasionally more frequently, at their religious sites. Since primary responsibility for conducting political education shifted from government officials to monastery leaders, the form, content, and frequency of training at each monastery appeared to vary widely; however, conducting such training remained a requirement and had become a routine part of monastic management."
The Government’s 2005 White Paper stated that, by the end of 2003, there were 1,700 sites in the TAR for Buddhists to conduct religious activities, and approximately 46,000 resident monks and nuns. This figure has been cited since 1996, although the numbers of monks and nuns dropped at many sites as a result of the patriotic education and the expulsion from monasteries and nunneries of many monks and nuns who refused to denounce the Dalai Lama or who were found to be politically unqualified."
Government officials closely associated Buddhist monasteries with pro independence activism in Tibetan areas of China. Spiritual leaders encountered difficulty re-establishing historical monasteries due to lack of funds, general limitations on monastic education, and denials of government permission to build and operate religious institutions, which officials in some areas contended were a drain on local resources and a conduit for political infiltration by the Tibetan exile community. The Government stated that there were no limits on the number of monks in major monasteries, and that each monastery’s Democratic Management Committee (DMC) decided independently how many monks the monastery could support. Many of these committees were government-controlled, and in practice the Government imposed strict limits on the number of monks in major monasteries, particularly in the TAR. The Government had the right to disapprove any individual’s application to take up religious orders; however, the Government did not necessarily exercise this right in practice during the year. Authorities curtailed the traditional practice of sending young boys to monasteries for religious training by means of regulations that forbade monasteries from accepting individuals under the age of eighteen."
Limited access to information about prisoners and prisons made it difficult to ascertain the number of Tibetan political prisoners or to assess the extent and severity of abuses. According to the Congressional Executive Commission on China Political Prisoner Database (CECC PPD), there were ninety-six Tibetan political prisoners and seventy-one of them monks and nuns. The CECC reported that the number of political prisoners declined to less than one-fifth the number ten years ago. Approximately fifteen political prisoners remained in TAR Prison (also known as Drapchi Prison) in Lhasa, most serving sentences on the charge of "counter-revolution," which was dropped from the criminal law in 1997."
This report raised concerns about Buddhist leaders such as Gendun Choekyi Nyima, Chadrel Rinpoche, Bangri Tsamdrul Rinpoche and Trulku Tenzin Delek, who were still languishing in detention centre or prison, and the Dalai Lama and the Karmapa Lama who were forced to remain in exile. It also highlighted the death of Ngawang Jangchub, a twenty eight year old monk Tibetan monk, who was found dead after a heated dispute with the monastery’s "work team" over his refusal to denounce the Dalai Lama.
The report stressed that, the overall level of repression in Tibetan areas remained high and the Government’s record of respect for religious freedom remained poor during the period covered by this report; however, the atmosphere for religious freedom varied from region to region. Conditions were generally more relaxed in Tibetan autonomous areas outside the TAR, with the exception of parts of Sichuan’s Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture.
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Norbu Dradul
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Norbu Dradul, a former political prisoner, was born in Wosang Village, Kandze County, Kandze "Tibet Autonomous Prefecture" ("TAP"), Sichuan Province. From the age of eight years until thirteen, he attended elementary school for basic education at Dadoh Township, Kandze County. At the age of 13, he ordained himself at Kandze Shedrup Norling Monastery. Under the proper guidance of his teacher Lama Tashi, he studied different stages of Buddhist Metaphysic for about twelve years.
In 1995, the Chinese government appointed a Tibetan boy named Gyaltsen Norbu as the re-incarnation of the tenth Panchen Lama much against the wishes of the Tibetan people (Tibetan people both inside and outside Tibet revere the Dalai Lama anointed Gedhun Choekyi Nyima as the real re-incarnation of the tenth Panchen Lama) and forced them to accept the Chinese appointed Panchen Lama instead of the real Panchen Lama officially recognised by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Norbu wrote a letter criticizing the Chinese government’s policy of interfering in the religious tradition of the Tibetan people. At the same time he pasted pro-independence posters on the walls and was also involved in many political activities. Due to these activities local security officials of Kandze "TAP" arrested him and held at the detention centre. The investigating officer subjected Norbu to severe inhuman torture during interrogation in the detention centre.
Finally, the People’s Intermediate Court of Kandze "Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture", Sichuan Province sentenced Norbu to 3 years imprisonment based on the alleged charges of leaking state secrets. He was transfered to Maowan Prison (Ch: Aba Jlan Yu) in Maowan Qiang Autonomous County, Ngaba "Tibet Autonomous Prefecture", Sichaun Province and was made to do hard labour.
Though Norbu was released on 1 April 1999, after serving his three year sentence, he was not allowed to rejoin the monastery and the security officials and police kept him under close surveillance. Due to the above circumstances, he secretly came into exile towards the end of 2000.
In May 2001, Norbu personally received an audience with H.H the Dalai Lama, and the Dalai Lama advised him about the importance of studying modern education. Hence, Norbu joined Sherab Gatsel Lobling near lower Dharamsala. He studied English and Tibetan for three and half years and completed his schooling. Presently, he works as a Kham language reporter for the Tibetan Section at the America based Radio Free Asia’s branch office in Delhi.
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During the commemoration of the 46th year of Tibetan Democracy held on 2 September 2006, Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) organised an exclusive Panel Discussion on the topic, "Is our exile democracy a genuine democracy?", at Club House, Mcleod Ganj, Dharamsala. The panelist include Ven. Tsering Phuntsok, Tibetan Parliamentarian; Mr. Dawa Tsering, Tibetan Parliamentarian; Mrs. B. Tsering, President of Tibetan Women’s Association and Mr. Tenzin Tsundue, General Secretary of Friends of Tibet (India). Mr. Urgen Tenzin, Executive Director of the Centre moderated the discussion. Each panelist gave a brief introduction of the democratization of the exiled Tibetan community and answered the questions of the audiences.
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Mr. Urgen Tenzin, Executive Director, TCHRD was invited by the Tibetan Children’s Village, Gopalpur, H.P. on 2 September 2006 to grace the occasion of Tibetan Democracy Day celebration. Mr. Urgen delivered a talk on democratization of the exiled Tibetan community to the students.
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Mr. Tenzin Norgay, UN Affairs Personnel, was invited by the Association of Tibetan Journalists (ATJ) to speak during the association’s "Media Workshop and 4th Seminar" from 5-7 September 2006 at Gangkyi Staff Mess Hall.
Mr. Norgay delivered a talk on "Human Rights in Tibet and Its Reporting" on 6 September 2006 to the members of the association. Besides a general overview of the human rights situation in Tibet, he stressed the role of the Tibetan media in promoting and protecting the human rights of the Tibetan people. Following the talk, the participants discussed ideas and suggestions to enhance the quality of reporting and widespread coverage.
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In collaboration with Student for Free Tibet, TCHRD screened four parts of the BBC documentary movie "Changing China" at Yongling School, Mcleod Ganj, Dharamsala on 15 and 16, September 2006.
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Mr. Jampel Monlam, Assistant Director was invited by the Regional Tibetan Women Association, Mundgod to deliver a talk during its Workshop on Human Rights and Democracy. He delivered a talk on Human Rights Concepts, United Nation and Human Rights Situation in Tibet on 9 to 11 September. He also responded to questions posed by the workshop participants.
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On the invitation of Regional Tibetan Youth Congress, Dalhousie, Mr. Tashi Choephel, Researcher, delivered a talk on Human Rights Concepts and Human Rights Situation in Tibet on 12 September 2006, to a group of workshop participants during a workshop on Human Rights and Democracy. The workshop was funded by an NED mini-grant and organised by RTYC Dalhousie.
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