Appendix 4:
Cases of Violations of Women and Children's Rights
Case 4.1:
Pema Dorjee,
a 29-year-old nomad from Tsigorthang
County (Ch:Xinghai), Tsolho (Ch: Hainan), "TAP", Qinghai
Province, reported that a two-child limit was set in her
village of 45 families. Fines of 2,000 yuan (US$250) were
imposed for a third child with progressively higher fines
for any further children. A fine of 500 yuan (US$62.50) per
year for the third child until they reach the age of 13 was
also levied. Failure to pay fines would result in
confiscation of produce and animals. Pema Dorjee recalls
that, "Chinese health officers visit our villages and
systematically check all the families. The forced
sterilisation (tubectomy) procedures are usually conducted
twice a year, in April and August. At the time there were
approximately 16 of us 'eligible' for sterilisation and I
was told to get rid of my third child, which I was then
carrying, and fined 2,000 yuan (US$250) for conceiving. As I
did not have enough money, the authorities confiscated my
animals instead. However, I escaped abortion by discreetly
delivering my child in my mother's county."
Case 4.2:
Kunchok,
a 27-year-old nomad from Chulong Village
in Tsongon (Ch:Qinghai) Province, reported in August 2000
that eight to nine women are forcibly sterilised annually in
his village, resulting in several cases of severe physical
injuries and deaths. A 28-year-old woman from Kyanche
Village, Yangzo, died one month after enforced
sterilization, having never recovered from the operation.
The total lack of any local health facilities in his area is
further exacerbating the problem.
Case 4.3:
Dhondup
is a 28-year-old farmer from Dechen
Village in Chentsa County, Malho (Ch: Huangnan) "TAP",
Qinghai Province, who reported in September 2000 an
identical case, of a 28-year woman from Chatsang Village in
Chentsa County who died one month after an enforced
sterilization procedure in 1997. He also states that
physical impairment from substandard surgical procedures is
common. The town doctors and officials are also insisting
to the locals that having many children is the cause of
their poverty.
Case 4.4:
In November 2000,
Jampa Tsering,
a 28-year-old nomad from Lhari County, Nagchu Prefecture,
reported that in his village, women are prohibited from
bearing children.
Pregnancy results in fine, although there are some women who
chose to face the financial hardship rather than submit to
sterilisation. Types of contraception available are pills
or a slow-release implant in the forearm, whereby the latter
involves a minor operation at the county hospital which is
not always successful, resulting in severe pain for the
recipient.
Case 4.5:
Kunchok
is a 27-year-old nomad from Tsongon (Ch: Qinghai) Province
who arrived in India in August 2000.
He related that there is only one primary school in his
township with three teachers. Due to inadequate facilities
and under-qualified staff, the nomads find it an exercise in
futility to send their children to school. There are around
80 families in the village with approximately 100 school-age
children, of which only about 20 attend school. The school
has a reputation for high drop-out rate. He reported that
there are better schools in the county and province but
these are only accessible to children of the village leaders
and wealthy families. Even Kunchok and his four siblings
have no opportunity to attend school.
Case 4.6:
Samdup,
a 30-year-old nomad from Saga County, Shigatse Prefecture,
related how the county and township
authorities would regularly call meetings in the villages to
order the nomads and farmers not to flee Tibet, or send
their children to schools in India. Officials would threaten
them with confiscation of their land, animals and ration
cards. According to Samdup there are 75 children between
the ages of seven to 15 in his village, but only four of
them study at a primary school in the township.
Case 4.7:
Dorjee Tsering,
a 54-year-old farmer from Dingri County,
Shigatse Prefecture, claimed that in the past 20
years only 15 Tibetans from his county have completed higher
education. He also declared that every one of those students
was a child of a county or village official.
Case 4.8:
Penpa Kyi,
a 33-year-old farmer from Gyatsa County, Lhokha Prefecture,
Lhasa Municipality, could only
afford to send her child to school for one or two months.
Initially the fee was 5 yuan, which then increased every
semester. Penpa Kyi believes that the fee is currently 100
yuan, with the teacher's salary, books, and stationery
supplies all being extra costs. The other factor
influencing her decision to withdraw her child was the
corruption and discrimination that offered graduates little
prospect of employment.
"We don't have 'hooks'.
If the child does well in the exams, then people with hooks manage
to have the results changed and then these children get good
jobs."
Case 4.9:
Tsetan Lhamo,
17, is a nun from Nyemo County, Lhasa's Municipality,
who arrived in India in May 2000.
Nyemo Township was formed in 1999 by integrating four other
townships, and there are both public and
government-administered schools in all the sub-townships.
School attendance is compulsory and parents face heavy fines
if they fail to send their children to school up to middle
school level. However, for further studies and scholarships,
students have to depend on familial connections (Chinese:
guanxi) within the administration, which Tibetans rarely
have. Even official jobs in county or township offices are
reserved for children of officials. Consequently, the
majority of Tibetan children who manage to complete their
schooling end up working with their parents as farmers or
nomads.
Case 4.10:
Khandro Gyal,
a 23-year-old teacher from Marpon Village in Amdo,
went through teacher training school and
suffered racial discrimination at the institute.
Tibetans accounted for only 13% of the enrolments, and
they struggled due to poor Chinese language skills.
The teachers, all Chinese,
regarded the Tibetans as inferior.
Upon graduation, all the Tibetan students were posted to
undesirable, remote villages whereas the Chinese students
obtained desirable city placements.
Khandro Gyal was posted to Setsa Primary School where the
135 students are taught Chinese and Tibetan. All Tibetan
textbooks translated from Chinese dealt with the Chinese
revolutionaries and history and achievements of Mao and Zhu
An Ling. Teachers caught attempting to include subjects
other than the prescribed syllabus such as Tibetan history,
tradition, culture, religion, or about the lives of the
Dalai Lamas, would face severe repercussions such as salary
deprivation or job loss.
Khandro Gyal fled Tibet because,
"during my four-year teaching career,
I could not cope with the fact that the
Tibetan students are indoctrinated in front of my own eyes.
This invariably eats at me. This lack of freedom to give
Tibetans the right education, just brainwashing them, is
something I could not bear anymore. The only viable solution
was to get away from it."
Case 4.11:
A 22 year-old-student from Sangchu County,
Gannan "TAP", Gansu Province, reported in February 2000
that access for Tibetan students to higher study or
employment is reliant on personal connections or bribes, and
has no relevance to the examination grades they achieve. He
also states that the Tibetan language is only taught
perfunctorily, with cases of students completing nine years
of schooling and still being unable to write the Tibetan
alphabet. There is only one Tibetan middle school in his
area and access to it is limited and expensive. This is
aggravated by the distance schools are located from the
nomadic settlements which requires students to pay the extra
fees for accommodation.
All of his teachers were Chinese and he described political
lessons as being devoted to nationalist propaganda:
" ... for example that the Tibetans and all of the minorities
should be united and should be appreciative of the protection of
the motherland. They say that His Holiness the Dalai Lama
is trying to split the relationship between two brothers.
"I have come to India because although I have been to
school for many years, my Tibetan language is very poor.
My aim is to learn Tibetan language. As a Tibetan I have the
responsibility to know my own language. The other things
that I want to know more about are the history of Tibet and
what really happened between Tibet and China. Then I hope
to go back to Tibet and do something for our country. I
hope to develop the Tibetan language in my villages."
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