Tibetan students protest in Rebkong County in 2012

Last week, the Information Office of the State Council, or China’s Cabinet, issued a white paper on “Progress in China’s Human Rights in 2012”[i] as a part of its propaganda activity for the upcoming Universal Periodic Review later this year.  Unsurprisingly, the white paper praised Chinese progress in human rights—pointing almost exclusively to the benefits of China’s continued economic development.  However, behind the self-congratulatory praise and statistics lie China’s underlying philosophy of human rights, which fundamentally misunderstands the international human rights system. China’s white paper is oblivious to the indivisible and universal nature of human rights, and that guaranteeing human rights requires action and not just mere hollow proclamations.

According to the white paper, human rights are divisible and unrelated by treating economic development and the corresponding rights as supreme. The first section of the white paper concerns “Human Rights in Economic Construction” and states that, “it would be impossible to protect people’s rights and interests without first developing the economy to feed and clothe the people.”  Rhetoric from China concerning the importance of economic development before even addressing civil and political rights is not new.  During the Cold War both capitalist and communist states frequently advocated for either civil and political right or economic, social and cultural rights and ignored the other.  This division was a political tool and never accurately described the international human rights system or the philosophy of human rights.

By stating that sustenance is necessary before any other rights can be addressed only recognises half of the human rights system and falls into the false choice of Cold War rhetoric.  It is true that the right to sustenance is necessary for the enjoyment of other human rights—but that is not unique to economic rights, as China claims.  If people are tortured or killed it does not make much difference if their stomachs were full at the time their rights were violated.  It is likewise impossible for them to exercise other human rights if they are arbitrarily arrested or beaten.[ii] Despite the fact that majority of 117 self-immolation occurred in 2012, the white paper maintains a stony silence on the issue, as Chinese authorities continue to publicly and secretly detain, arrest, torture and sentence Tibetans over alleged connections to the instigation and incitement of self-immolation. Failing to recognise that non-economic rights are necessary to the achievement of all human rights ignores the indivisibility of human rights upon which the international human rights system is based.  A state may not pick and choose which human rights to address and which to ignore, yet the white paper appears to suggest that China may do exactly that.  This is particularly disturbing, as China is the primary human rights defender for 1.3 billion people who literally live and die by how the Chinese government views and applies human rights.

Furthermore, the white paper takes the concept of economic development to extreme well beyond merely feeding and clothing the people.  The international human rights documents list the rights that are necessary for people to live with dignity. People who lack sustenance or personal security must assert their rights whereas one who has sustenance and personal security rarely needs to think about the rights they objectively enjoy. Despite this, the white paper uses examples of people who objectively enjoy their rights and ignores those who actively assert their rights. For examples of economic and cultural progress the white paper mentions good things that are not human rights such as private international travel abroad, car ownership, disposable income, online gaming, and sports facilities. In contrast, there is no mention of the needs of the most vulnerable, such as the growing debt burden for resettled Tibetan Nomads, Tibetans receiving less pay for the same work as Chinese, or the prevalent abuse of prisoners.  The white paper implies that in China, human rights exist only for the wealthy, who can use their money to travel abroad and buy cars, and not for the poor and vulnerable in society.  China fails to recognise that human rights are universal and must apply to all people, regardless of their wealth or political influence.

The white paper treats human rights as abstractions without any real substance by equating proclamations supporting human rights with progress.  However, human rights are not implemented through abstract values, aspirations, or proclamations.  Human rights are implemented through specific practices that actually work to guarantee the rights provided for in the human rights conventions.  Therefore, the statistics of the number of schools built throughout China provided by the white paper are meaningless without knowing how many children are actually attending school. Similarly, the number of laws and administrative regulations China has passed is meaningless if the laws are not enforced.  In China, there are two different types of Chinese law: the law-in-the-books and the law-in-action.[iii]  The white paper only focuses on the law-in-the-books and accordingly fails to actually discuss human rights issues.  For example, Chinese law prohibits torture yet Chinese guards routinely torture prisoners and face no consequences for violating Chinese law, as demonstrated by the fact that there is no effort to hide bruises or broken bones caused by torture.  The Chinese law in the book supports human rights but without action, it is just as meaningless as any other Chinese law or proclamation.  If China were serious about addressing human rights, the white paper would have included instances of torturers being punished.  At the very least, China could allow independent bodies, such as the International Commission for the Red Cross, to visit prisons.  Instead, the white paper equates progress with promises.

Even when China passes laws related to human rights, it is unclear whether they actually improve human rights.  For example, the white paper proudly proclaims that China proactively administers the religious sector.  When the State attempts to control religion by approving certain religions and religious practices, it is little consolation that the restriction was done through the law.

The most troubling aspect of the white paper its the underlying philosophy.  The white paper operates on the assumption that human rights are divisible and more important for the wealthy than the poor and marginalized.  It further attempts to obscure the fact that human rights are practical and require effective implementation not just on the books but in action as well.  The understanding of human rights that the white paper presents is not only dated, but also incompatible with the human rights system.  Until China is able to address this issue, any changes in its actual human rights performance will be primarily superficial.  In the upcoming periodic review, states should address China’s fundamental misunderstanding of the human rights system and demand actual reform in how China understands and applies human rights.

Endnotes

Gartse Jigme, monk and writer, sentenced to five years in prison

By branding Dalai Lama as their enemy and neglecting the demands of self-immolators, they have shown that they consider more than 99% of the Tibetan population as their enemies.

~ Gartse Jigme, imprisoned monk and writer

On 14 May 2013, two days before the launch of Chinese state television broadcaster CCTV’s fifth propaganda film on self-immolations, a Tibetan writer was quietly sentenced to five years in prison for writing a book on the issue of Tibet issue including self-immolation protests.

According to exile Tibetan sources, Gartse Jigme, 36, a writer and monk, was sentenced to prison on 14 May 2013 for authoring a book with political contents by Tsekhog (Ch: Zekog) County People’s Court in Malho (Ch: Huangnan) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai Province.  

The book in question is the second volume of Tsenpoi Nyintop [Eng: Tsenpo’s Valour], which contains the writer’s reflections and opinions on wide ranging subjects including Dalai Lama, Panchen Lama, self-immolation, language, education, protests, environment, etc. At the time of his arrest, on 1 January 2013, Gartse Jigme had finished writing the book and was planning to publish it.

An unshaven and gaunt-looking Gartse Jigme being questioned at Public security Bureau office in Rebkong.

After his arrest, Gartse Jigme was held in the provincial capital of Xining for sometime, followed by several months’ detention in Rebkong (Ch: Tongren) County in Malho Prefecture. The first volume of Tsenpoi Nyingtop was released in 2008. In April 2011, the local Public Security Bureau (PSB) officers briefly detained him for his views published in the book.

Gartse Jigme, a monk from Gartse Monastery, was born in Garwa nomadic village of Gartse Township in Rebkong County. He has been writing since 1999 and had won several local literary prizes. His first book, ‘Musings on My Reflections’ received favorable reviews from friends and others in the community. He was also a Buddhist scholar having studied and successfully passed major Buddhist courses at his monastery in 2003.

The second volume of ‘Tsenpoi Nyingtop’ could not be published in Tibet as planned by its author. However, exile Tibetans who hail from Rebkong County have published the book in India. The book was published soon after Gartse Jigme’s sentencing.

TCHRD has translated and edited the first chapter of the book titled, ‘Chinese government and self-immolations’ , as it addresses many of the absurd, unsubstantiated allegations raised by the Chinese government over Tibetan self-immolations, be it short propaganda articles in state-owned newspapers or more recently, propaganda documentaries blaming the nebulous and all-encompassing “Dalai clique” for instigating and inciting self-immolations in Tibet.

Note: Gartse Jigme finished writing the book some time in early December 2012 when about 90 Tibetans had died of self-immolation protests in Tibet. As of now, the total number of self-immolation protests in Tibet has reached 117.

Chinese Government and Tibetan Self-immolations 

By Gartse Jigme

To protest against Chinese rule in Tibet, Thubten Ngodup, a Tibetan exile, committed self-immolation in 1998 [in India]. Eleven years later, in 2009, Tapey became the first Tibetan from within Tibet to commit self-immolation. As of now, more than ninety Tibetans have committed self-immolation. Unfortunately, the leaders of the Chinese government haven’t paid any attention to these [drastic] acts of protests. Rather than showing concern, Chinese leaders, including Hu Jintao, attacked the Dalai Lama [for being the primary cause of self-immolations.] The government forced some tulkus [reincarnated lamas] in Tibet to denounce His Holiness the Dalai Lama; they dispatched military soldiers armed with machine guns and armored vehicles into Tibetan areas. Their only response has been repression, rather than showing an attitude of leniency and concern.

If one reflects seriously on this issue, [one would come to realize that] it is an extremely painful issue. Despite Chinese government’s repeated claims of democracy, it has failed to give any consideration to the demands raised by more than 90 Tibetan self-immolators. [The Chinese leaders’] only concern is to protect their position – a clear manifestation of their dictatorial ways of [functioning]. [The seriousness of] these demands can be gauged by the fact that they are made through acts of self-immolation, rather than through [conventional means] of writing.

What are the aspirations of the Tibetan self-immolators? More than 90 self-immolators have called for the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and freedom in Tibet. One self-immolator called for Tibet’s independence. If I speak out a karmic truth, it is that Beijing government is not in a position to grant Tibetan independence. But Beijing government does have the power to invite His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Tibet and grant legitimate rights and freedoms to the Tibetan people. Instead of exercising this power, Beijing is implementing dictatorship. [On the one hand] it dispatches soldiers armed with guns and armored vehicles to repress Tibetan people, [on the other hand] it brands His Holiness the Dalai Lama as an ‘enemy,’ and calls for the need to fight ‘separatists.’ The demands of the self-immolators are neglected. Not a single thought is given to the future happiness of billions of people. The truth is that no particular organization or lama instigated the martyrs to commit self-immolations. They were motivated by the sufferings and aspirations of their fellow six million Tibetans. As such they are heroes.

Because of these reasons, Chinese leaders consider His Holiness the Dalai Lama as their enemy and neglect the demands of the self-immolators. By branding His Holiness as their enemy and neglecting the demands of self-immolators, they have shown that they consider more than 99% of the Tibetan population as their enemies. They have clearly shown that the aspiration of 99% of Tibetan population means nothing to them.

I

 Chinese government, particularly leaders like Wen Jiabao, declared the self-immolators as ‘terrorists.’ Such accusations demonstrate the evil nature of the Chinese government and ruthlessness of their leaders. The United Nations, leaders of France, Germany, Italy, UK, Spain, US, South Africa, India, Japan, Australia, Indonesia and other supporters of democracy have asserted that self-immolations are desperate acts of peaceful protests. Despite such assertions, why do the Chinese leaders consider self-immolations as terrorist acts?

Tibetan intellectuals have analysed why the Chinese government brands self-immolators as ‘terrorists.’ According to them, the Chinese government has sent a clear warning to suppress the peaceful Tibetan protestors, as they suppressed the students of Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. One thing that needs to be clarified is the fact that the decision of Wen Jiabao to declare self-immolators as terrorists reflects the decision of the whole Chinese leadership. It is not just his personal opinion. The truth is that millions of lives have been sacrificed for the interest of Chinese people and Chinese nation. Would Beijing regard these sacrifices as acts of terrorism? The Chinese revolutionaries had murdered Japanese colonisers and millions of others who opposed communism, but Tibetan self-immolators fighting for their people’s rights have not harmed a single member of other nationality or organisation. They only burned themselves, demanding for the Tibetan people’s religious and cultural rights. Only an evil and a blind government or leadership would regard such acts of protests as terrorism or violence. A sane person would never make such accusations.

II

Chinese government’s accusation that self-immolators have acted against principles of Buddhism is nothing but an evil talk. According to Tibetan Buddhism, sacrificing one’s life for the benefit of others is considered an act of Bodhisattva. This fact will become clear if one reads the life story of Buddha. In one of his many lifetimes, Buddha sacrifices his body to save a tigress and her cubs from dying of extreme hunger. This famous story, retold through generations and is widely known [among the faithful], is titled  ‘the story of Buddha sacrificing his life for the Tigress.’ If one is practicing the Mayahana form of Buddhism, one should be willing to sacrifice everything for the wellbeing of sentient beings. For instance, one should be willing to suffer billions of years in a hell of fire for the wellbeing of a sentient being. In the words of the Great Panchen Chogyan, ‘one should be willing to remain in hell of fire for eons for the wellbeing of each and every sentient being.’ Therefore, sacrificing one’s life for the wellbeing of sentient beings and fellow countrymen are not only acts in accord with Buddhism, but also with the higher forms of Mahayana Buddhist teachings. Only an evil regime or its running dogs would consider them as acts of ‘terrorism.’

III

Chinese government is of the view that the self-immolation protests are carried out by a few monks on the order of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Such a view reflects its evil nature. So far more than 95 Tibetans have committed self-immolations. Of them 5 are from outside Tibet. More than 80 of them died, whereas 10 of them survived. Of 5 self-immolators from outside Tibet, two of them suffered severe injuries. Although both of them survived, they are suffering from many legal ramifications. Every time a Tibetan committed a self-immolation, thousands of Tibetans from that area gathered themselves to express their solidarity. They gave away lots of donations to conduct prayers and rituals for the self-immolator. For example, in Rebkong, when Jamyang Palden, Sonam Darge, Tamdin Thar, Dorje Lhundup, Tamdin Tso, Kelsang Jinpa, Nyingkar Tashi, Nyingchak Bum, Sangdak Tsering, Lubum Tsering, Tamdin Dorje, Sangye Dolma and others committed self-immolation, the local Tibetans gathered and expressed their solidarity. They raised money, organised prayers and rituals, some even wrote poems in their honor and memory. In short, I have personally witnessed how tens of thousands of local Tibetans expressed their solidarity through various ways.

All of these incidents reflect clearly that although the former are the only people in Rebkong who committed self-immolations, there are tens of thousands of Tibetans who share their aspirations and sentiments. Similarly, we heard through telephonic conversations and saw video footages of many Tibetans in Kham attending the funeral of one of the self-immolators. Even the funeral of a great Lama wouldn’t witness such large gathering of people expressing their respect and solidarity. Therefore, we can clearly assert that more than 80% of Tibet’s six million people are backing the self-immolators and share with their aspirations and demands. Chinese government’s claim that [aspirations] of the self-immolators are shared by a few monks, as a result, is nothing but evil talk.

IV

Chinese government’s accusation that the Dalai Lama has instigated the self-immolations is again nothing but evil talk. Usually, His Holiness the Dalai Lama advocates, not just to his own people but also to his non-Tibetan followers, that all conflicts should be resolved through peaceful dialogue. He would never call for Tibetans to burn themselves to register their protests. In fact, he keeps on advocating the need to resolve Sino-Tibetan conflict through Middle-Way approach, which he says would bring benefits to both sides.  However, instead of weighing its worth in gold, the Chinese government keeps on demonising His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his efforts. This is one of the main reasons why patriotic Tibetans are committing self-immolations.

If the Chinese government has evidence of His Holiness provoking his people to burn themselves for their country, it would definitely present them to the Tibetan people. But the Chinese government hasn’t presented any evidence. This shows that even the Chinese government has come to realize that the self-immolations are the direct result of its repressive policies. But the Chinese government pretends as if it doesn’t know anything, as it keeps on demonising His Holiness the Dalai Lama. This is a clear manifestation of an evil regime showing its evil character.

V

Through its official media, and in the eyes of the people, the Chinese government condemns the self-immolators as conspirators who want to destroy the country. This too is an evil talk, because the aspiration of more than 90 self-immolators is to see His Holiness back to Tibet and to restore Tibetan people’s legitimate rights to pursue their own language, culture and religion. However, the Chinese government keeps holding its hard line stance, not paying an inch of attention and value to the demands and sacrifice of the self-immolators. Rather the Chinese government responds with severe repression, as it uses guns, authority, law and torture to suppress the demands of the self-immolators. Aren’t these proofs of the evil nature of the Chinese government?

VI

Through its official media, the Chinese government condemns the Tibetan self-immolators as being young ignorant minds manipulated and fooled by the propaganda emanating from outside [Tibet]. Such an accusation is nothing but evil talk. Among the more than 90 Tibetans who have committed self-immolations so far, there are mothers and fathers having children, tulkus, monks, nuns, laymen, students and so on and so forth. Some of the self-immolators were more than 60 years old; even the youngest among them, sixteen year olds, were mature enough in their thoughts and courage. They were way past the time when they could fall prey to propaganda and manipulation. Therefore, Chinese government’s accusation is nothing but evil talk, lacking in depth examination and analysis.

In short, more than 95 Tibetans from the three provinces of Tibet have committed self-immolations in protest against Chinese government’s repressive policies, their aspiration being the return of the Dalai Lama and freedom in Tibet. Such protests have never occurred on this earth in the last hundred thousand years. It is a great peaceful protest –unprecedented in world history. However, the Chinese government has given more importance to money and status than to human lives. During the 18^th session of the Chinese Communist party meeting, the delegates were talking only about money matters and leadership positions. They failed to give an iota of attention to the demands raised by sacrificing precious lives. This proves clearly that the Chinese government has no respect whatsoever to the fate of the Tibetan people and the way they violate basic human rights.

Finally, in connection with this serious matter, I would like to make a few suggestions to the Chinese government. Instead of demonising the self-immolations, indulging in accusations lacking serious analyses, telling lies befitting dictatorial regimes, the Chinese government should examine closely this great act of peaceful protest, which remains unprecedented in world history. It would be helpful if the Chinese government finds a viable solution to ensure that such protests do not happen again. Another clarification I want to make is that the self-immolators want His Holiness the Dalai Lama back in Tibet so that they could seek his blessings. Moreover, they are fighting for small freedoms that Tibetan people are entitled to. I appeal the Chinese government that rather than making the matters worse, it should make efforts to resolve it.

The Previous Xth Panchen Lama

Today marks the 18th year of Tibet’s XIth Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima’s disappearance into Chinese custody. One of the most important spiritual leaders of Tibet, the then six-year-old Gedhun Choekyi Nyima and his family members were ‘disappeared’ by the Chinese authorities on 17 May 1995, just three days after His Holiness the Dalai Lama recognized him as the reincarnation of the previous Xth Panchen Lama.

TCHRD has translated the lyrics of a song, “Dear Panchen Lama”, sung by the imprisoned Tibetan singer Lolo about the previous Xth Panchen Lama and his ‘disappeared’ reincarnation.

On 23 February this year, Lolo, 30, was sentenced to six years in prison for singing songs containing politically-charged lyrics.

Lobsang Jinpa, 31, a monk from the besieged Nyatso Zilkar Monastery penned the lyrics of the song. Lobsang Jinpa was also sentenced, along with Lolo, to five years in prison.

And the subject of the song, Tibet’s Panchen Lama, remains ‘disappeared’.

Click here for the video of the song on Youtube: http://youtu.be/JXMmFCFFgSY

‘Dear Panchen Lama’

The majestic serene snow mountains

From the edge of the erected pillars of history

The warm love for Tibet mustn’t disappear

Victory to Panchen Lama — the hero of Tibet

From beneath the all-pervasive brute force

From the rock-inflicted wounds on spirituality and temporality

Raise the melodious slogans of patriotism in the sky

The Boddhisatva

Who opposed the backwardness

The gang of bandits who turn [the meaning of] Karma upside down

Amid the battle of lies, deception and oppression

[You] sacrificed your life to [rescue] truth from lies

Who else but you, is the messenger of the 21st century?

Even if the sad, departing moon-face crosses the western hills

Amid the flood of tears [we] wait for your re-incarnation

The dawn of the new day is arrested by the enemy’s darkness

The soul of the Snowlanders has never been colder

Front cover of the PAP manual on mental health

TCHRD has received a Chinese language copy of a manual published by the Sichuan Provincial Political Department of the People’s Armed Police Force (PAPF, also called PAP), titled “Guide on Psychiatric Wellbeing While Maintaining Stability” that was circulated among different contingents, detachments and squadrons located at the province, prefecture, and county levels of Sichuan. The manual contains issues raised during a videoconference meeting held by Sichuan Province People’s Armed Police Force regarding the psychological and moral issues arising from stability maintenance work in Tibetan areas. Although the manual was drafted before Xi Jinping’s appointment earlier this year, there is no sign that he will change any of his predecessor’s policies regarding Tibet.

Experts in psychiatric health departments of armed police hospitals and other relevant organs jointly drafted the 29 questions and answers on how to cope with the violent nature of the PAPF’s work in the Tibetan areas of Sichuan Province. The 29 questions and answers focus “on providing guidance to some PAP officers on effectively deal with the common psychological traumas” caused by the horrors of their job in Tibet, and to “further improve the quality of capability of stability-maintenance work in Tibetan areas, particularly the PAP officers and other armed forces who need thorough educational and ideological guidance on their work.”

Edited and approved by Fu Wan Xuan, the director of the Sichuan Political Department of PAP and his deputy, Chen li Xue, the manual was drafted by Wang Jun Xiang, Cheng Jian Wei, Xie Lei, Wang Bin , and Zhang Wen Chun, all mental health experts working in military and armed hospitals.

In a broader sense, the manual starkly exposes the falsity of the Chinese government’s claim that Chinese rule has ‘liberated’ and brought happiness to Tibet. Repression and violence not only take a toll on the lives of the repressed but also those who perpetrate it. The casualties of China’s “life and death struggle” in Tibet, as exposed by this manual, are the victims and perpetrators alike. Those assigned with stability maintenance work in Tibet struggle with psychological problems as their most fundamental beliefs in right and wrong are twisted, violated and made irrelevant. Scientific studies have pointed out that these psychological symptoms are not limited only to first time officers but also the veterans. In this manual, China speaks mainly of some first time officers who are psychologically traumatized by their experience of implementing repressive policies sanctioned and supported by the Chinese central government in Beijing.

The manual provides guidance on maintaining the psychological health of PAP forces in Tibetan areas while simultaneously providing instructions for the same PAP forces on how to effectively maintain stability, utilizing the tactics that cause the psychological problems, such as police violence against protestors. Some PAP officers, unable to cope with changed conditions in Tibet, leave or become afflicted with psychological illnesses. The 25-page manual offers advices on the difficulties and doubts harbored by armed police officers in Tibet.

Point 11 in the manual talks about the psychiatric issues faced by some PAP officers who find it impossible to block from their minds images of an armed crackdown. The manual mentioned the “3/16” incident in Ngaba when Phuntsok, a Tibetan monk, became the second Tibetan to self-immolate and the “3/18 incident of beating, smashing, burning and looting” in Serta (Ch: Seda) and Kardze (Ch: Ganzi) counties. In both these cases, PAP forces flagrantly abused their power and fired indiscriminately into huge crowds of peaceful protesters in Tibet. The level of repression in these areas has only increased since then as Tibetan areas in Sichuan Province remain under rigorous surveillance and blocked to outsiders. Not surprisingly, the manual states that PAP officers who had participated in the “3/16” and “3/18” incidents as well as the violent crackdowns may suffer from nightmares or insomnia as they are reminded of their involvement in such incidents. The small saving grace of the ongoing tragedy in Tibet in this context is that there are some armed Chinese officers whose conscience are pricked and morally outraged by the inhumane consequences of their actions.

On the psychological crises suffered by some armed officers when faced with defiant Tibetan protesters, point 16 says:

Some comrades when they see troublemakers challenging them with Tibetan swords and stones lose their composure and become confused and discouraged, while some, when they see [protesting] maroon-robed monks, become uncomfortable and confused. [Some comrades] even fear to react when faced with such situations. Such reactions diminish the strength of armed forces’ valour and resolve in punishing [the troublemakers]. This situation is taken very seriously by the armed forces and efforts are made to complete the work successfully.

In this context, it is useful to remember that since 2008, the Chinese government has unleashed the scourge of domestic Chinese nationalism to justify its violent rule in Tibet and thus widening the ethnic hostility between Tibetans and Chinese. Official Chinese media has labeled Tibetans as ungrateful, uncivilized and wild people. Point 16 is an example of the Chinese attempts to instill enmity in the PAP so they will not hesitate to attack Tibetan protestors. This is in stark contrast to the Chinese singing paeans to ethnic unity.

Rather than speaking of ethnic unity, the manual reinforces the myth of wild, fearful Tibetan barbarians in the eyes of the Chinese saying:

No matter how [physically] strong or intimidating the Tibetan separatists may look, we [the armed forces] fulfill the needs of the masses. Under the leadership and support of the Chinese Communist Party, Central Military Commission, and president Hu Jintao, as well as support from the masses, we can fight the battle of maintaining long-term stability in Tibet.

It should be noted that the increased security build-up and repressive measures in Tibet are implemented with active support from the central government authorities including the Chinese president.

The manual describes the conflicts faced by some PAP officers about the choice of their career after experiencing the “dangerous and complex” work of stability maintenance in Tibet. It says:

The duty of maintaining stability in Tibet is tough, ridden with dangers, full of conflicts, [daily struggle] between death and life in the hailstorm of swords and guns

In the section dealing with the issue of emotional breakdowns and other psychological symptoms suffered by some first-time Chinese officers in Tibet, the manual says:

Many armed officers and soldiers posted for the first time in Tibet to work in stability maintenance become indisposed with psychological problems, including difficulty managing tempers and becoming scared to the point of losing confidence. Particularly during tense standoffs and unexpected incidents, a handful of officers become frozen with fear and paranoia unable to respond in timely fashion.

It further adds:

By clearly recognizing the political strategy [and context] of the stability maintenance work in Tibetan areas, we must ensure the victory of Chinese government and the Chinese state by following the ‘three principles’, the ‘three principles of caution’, and the ‘six mindsets required during PAP actions’.

However, this rallying call cannot hide the consequences of China’s Tibetan policy, which has not only damaged Tibetans but also caused a moral crisis among the very people China relies on to execute their inhumane strategy.

Notes:

1. ‘Weakness of the Oppressor’ From Jean-Paul Satre’s preface to Franz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth

2. The People’s Armed Police Force,  China Daily (US Edition), 2009 http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/60th/2009-08/26/content_8619526.htm; From Chinese White Paper http://www.china.org.cn/english/features/book/194480.htm

3. For a scanned copy of the manual in Chinese language, please contact tnyinjey@gmail.com

Sonam Yingyen

An imprisoned monk from the restive Nyatso Zilkar Monastery in Trindu (Ch: Chenduo) County, Jyekundo (Ch: Yushu) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (Qinghai Province) was released on an unknown date last month before the expiration of his prison term due to medical emergency.

According to information received by TCHRD, Sonam Yingyen, 44, became seriously ill soon after he was sentenced to two-year imprisonment in October 2012 in Siling (Ch: Xining) city, capital of Qinghai Province.

Sonam Yingyen was among the five monks of Nyatso Zilkar Monastery arrested on 1 September 2012 in a surprise police raid on the monastery. The other four monks were Lobsang Jinpa, 30, Tsultrim Kalsang, 25, Ngawang Monlam, 30, and Sonam Sherab, 45.

Sources told TCHRD that Sonam Yingyen’s health had deteriorated during his detention and by the time he was sentenced, his medical condition had worsened leading to over a month’s hospitalization in an army hospital in Siling.

When family members and friends learned that Sonam Yingyen was being held secretly in the army hospital – considered to be the largest hospital in Siling – they visited the hospital, only to be turned away by local security officials who said the army and police were there to do the job. Since then, fears for his life have grown among his family members and friends.

Lobsang Nyima (left) and Sonam Gewa (right) in their prison uniform talking to visitors at an unknown prison in Siling.

Long before this revelation, family members and friends had suspected that something was amiss, as they never got to meet with Sonam Yingyen at the prison in Siling. Sources said soon after the sentences were passed, other monks were able to meet with their relatives and friends every month for about 30 minutes but no one saw Sonam Yingyen. It later turned out that he had been taken to the army hospital. Relatives and friends who tried to visit Sonam Yingyen in prison were given no explanation when they inquired prison officials about his whereabouts.

In April this year, authorities decided to send Sonam Yingyen back to Yushu where he will be referred to another hospital for further treatment. There is no information on specific ailments he suffers from. Sources who talked to TCHRD are not sure if the monk was released on medical parole as his family members have not been given any visitation rights since his imprisonment or during his hospitalization in Siling. There is no information on the possibility of the family getting visitation rights now that Sonam Yingyen is believed to be in Yushu.

Lobsang Samten is imprisoned in Thang Karmo Prison.

It has now emerged that another Nyatso Zilkar monk, Lobsang Samten, who was sentenced to one year and nine months in prison last year has now been transferred to Thang Karmo (Ch: Tanggemu) Prison near Chabcha (Ch: Gonghe) in Qinghai Province. Lobsang Samten was detained along with fellow monks, Sonam Gewa and Lobsang Nyima, on the evening of 15 February 2012.  It is suspected that they were arrested in connection with the 8 February 2012 protest march led lay people and monks in Dzatoe (Ch: Zaduo) and Trindu (Ch: Chenduo) counties in Yushu.

Situation in Trindu County, where Nyatso Zilkar Monastery is located, is said to be tense, following the February 2012 protest march and the June 2012 twin self-immolation of two Tibetan youths. Sources told TCHRD that areas around Trindu County remain the most restricted in Jyekundo Prefecture.

Tashi Rabten aka Theurang

Tashi Rabten (pen name: Theurang) is a Tibetan writer, poet and editor who is serving a four-year sentence in Mianyang Prison, Sichuan Province. He graduated from North-West University for Nationalities and edited the now-banned Tibetan language journal “Shar Dungri” and also published “Written in Blood”, a compilation of his poems, notes and writings on the situation in Tibet following the 2008 protests.

In this essay, translated by TCHRD, the writer condemns the cultural insensitivity of Chinese tourists and the commercialization of Tibetan culture as the number of Chinese tourists continues to rise, exerting immense pressure on the fragile ecology and landscape of the Tibetan Plateau.

They treat us like animals

By Theurang

During the summer, my homeland is filled with swarms of Chinese tourists. The rush of tourists means that elderly Tibetans are having difficulties circumambulating the monasteries. Covering their heads in robes, monks and nuns stand by gaping at the tourists in silence. When I see these images, when I think about them, I suffer from intense pain and despair. Anger and resentment boil in my heart. Today, under the crushing boots of foreigners, my homeland is suffering from degeneration and decay.

Like swarms of ants unleashed by anthills, these increasing number of tourists are making preparations to settle themselves permanently on our lands. What makes me laugh and cry at the same time is to witness the smiling faces of the Tibetan masses lured by hard cash. Even the leaders of the nomadic villages have signed contracts to sell their lands. In the next two to three years, these visitors who call themselves tourists will settle permanently on our lands.

When tourist vehicles arrive, ruddy-faced Tibetan women and snot-nosed Tibetan boys rush into action with their horses. Holding their breath, desperation in their eyes, they carry Chinese tourists on their horses and walk up the mountains. Holding fifty-Yuan notes in their hands, smiles written all over their faces, they kill their time waiting for the arrival of other tourists. When I see them, I wonder how a race that once conquered two-thirds of the world’s territory has now been turned into a bunch of soul-less slaves serving other people. My dear fellow-countrymen, if we cannot paint the bones of our ancestors in gold, the least we could do is not to throw their gray hair in the wind.

Tourists visiting from surrounding areas carry cameras of different sizes in their hands. Crowds of monks, elderly folks and ‘servicemen’ bearing horses gape at the tourists when the latter take pictures of nomadic villages and rivers. One of the tourists pointed his camera at the strange-looking eyes of these Tibetans and took their pictures. When I saw this, I wondered: ‘When the tourist returns to his place, where would he advertize this picture and what sort of caption would he give it?’ These thoughts gave me intense pain and despair.

Why do these tourists point their cameras on the faces of elderly Tibetans and take their pictures? Do these tourists not have a sense of ethics and morality? If we turn around and point the camera on their faces and take their pictures, wouldn’t they run away from us saying we are violating their rights? The fact that they keep taking pictures of our people, our mountains and our villages—despite knowing that such actions are unethical, immoral and illegal—clearly shows what kind of status our people enjoy. They treat us like animals lacking the ability of speech. They treat us as wage laborers who could be swayed in any direction by the lure of hard cash. They treat us as a race of ignorant barbarians. My dear fellow countrymen, as the saying goes, if sons fail to inherit the legacy of forefathers or if the thread fails to inherit the legacy of needles, others would keep trampling on our heads.

What would happen if you visit a Chinese city and randomly point your camera on the face of a Chinese and take his picture? What consequences would you have to bear if you selfishly take pictures of homes, belongings and other precious objects of a city? How would the whip of laws chase you away if you trample upon the rights and liberties of people living in a city? Why can’t the standards of law and ethics of the cities be applied equally in our nomadic grasslands? Why can’t camera-holding tourists riding in cars and masses on horses enjoy equal status if human rights have a universal resonance? Like in the cities, why can’t we put up signboards in nomadic grasslands declaring, ‘Taking pictures, peeing and spitting are strictly prohibited here!’

Lobsang Tenzin

Tibet’s longest-serving known political prisoner, Lobsang Tenzin, was released last month after completing his 18-yr term in Chushul Prison in the outskirts of the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, in Tibet Autonomous Region.

Lobsang Tenzin was the longest-serving political prisoner among a new generation of Tibetans born after the 10 March Tibetan uprising in 1959. Lobsang Tenzin was arrested on 5 March 1988 during a demonstration against Chinese rule in Lhasa. He was then about 24 and a student of Tibet University (Lhasa).

According to information received by TCHRD, Lobsang Tenzin was released on Wednesday, 24 April 2013, the day his 18-yr prison term ended. TCHRD had earlier reported in late 2012 about the possibility of his release in 2013 (Click here for the full report.) However, it appears that his release has done little to gain him any measure of freedom even at his home, which is located at Bhanak Shol in Lhasa city. Sources told TCHRD that Lobsang Tenzin’s home is heavily guarded and monitored by security personnel and other government officials who continue to turn away visitors, among them Lobsang Tenzin’s relatives and neighbors. 

After spending 25 years in the notoriously famed Drapchi, Powo Tramo and Chushul prisons, Lobsang Tenzin has suffered brutal mistreatment and torture at the hands of prison guards, resulting in numerous health complications. Over the years, TCHRD has intermittently received reports of Lobsang Tenzin’s worsening health. Years ago, he suffered damaged kidney, causing numbness and extreme difficulty in standing. In the past, he was also said to be suffering from liver disease, possibly hepatitis. In 2011, TCHRD received information about further health complications, particularly advanced stage of diabetes, which continue to cause him momentary blindness (Please click here for the full report.)

Background

Lobsang Tenzin was arrested on 5 March 1988 during a demonstration against Chinese rule in Lhasa. He was charged of killing a policeman on duty. The policeman had actually fallen from a window and died. In the past, analysts have highlighted the disproportionate use of force by security forces against unarmed Tibetan demonstrators during the March 1988 demonstration. Following the arrest, Lobsang Tenzin was sentenced to death with two years’ reprieve. 

In 1991, the death sentence was commuted to life after a strong and sustained pressure from the international community. By then, Lobsang Tenzin had spent three years in Drapchi Prison.

On 31 March 1991, prison guards caught Lobsang Tenzin and a fellow inmate, Tenpa Wangdrak, a monk from Gaden Monastic University in Lhasa, handing a letter to the then US ambassador to China, Mr James R. Lilley, who was on a visit to Drapchi. The letter contained a list of prisoners who had been tortured and information on torture methods used in the prison. Both were brutally beaten and locked up solitary confinement for about three weeks. Later they were secretly transferred to the remote and high-security Powo Tramo Prison, located in Kongpo area in eastern Tibet. Along with them, other political prisoners  Gyen Tenpa Phuljung, Gaden Gyaldhar, and Lhasawa Penpa were also secretly transferred to Powo Tramo.

TCHRD calls on the Chinese government to ensure, with immediate effect, that Lobsang Tenzin is a free man, having completed his term despite the illegality of his 25 years’ imprisonment. The Chinese government should end immediately the unreasonable practice of putting Lobsang Tenzin under ‘house arrest’. TCHRD demands that Lobsang Tenzin receive full medical treatment in the care of his family members and relatives. With respect to the principle of accountability, the Chinese government should provide full medical support to Lobsang Tenzin, who was robbed of 25 years of his life for merely exercising his right to freedom of expression, opinion and belief.

Konchok Woeser, 23, died after setting himself on fire in protest against Chinese government.

Despite extreme measures implemented by the Chinese authorities to crack down on self-immolation protests, burning protests in Tibet continue unabated as two more Tibetans died yesterday after setting themselves on fire on the eve of the 24^th birthday of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, Tibet’s XIth Panchen Lama, one of the most important Tibetan spiritual leaders who was disappeared along with his parents by the Chinese authorities almost 18 years ago.

According to confirmed information received by TCHRD, at around 6.40 pm on 24 April 2013, two monks of Taktsang Lhamo Kirti Monastery set themselves on fire and died in Dzoege (Ch: Ruergai) County in Ngaba (Ch: Aba) Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province.

Lobsang Dawa, 20, also died of self-immolation protest in Dzoege County in Tibet

The monks, Lobsang Dawa, 20, and Konchok Woeser, 23, set themselves on fire at the right hand corner of the monastery’s assembly hall. They shouted slogans of protest against the Chinese government and its policies in Tibet, and died immediately, on the site of their protest. Fellow monks took their bodies to their monastic quarters and said prayers for them.

Local authorities have issued orders that the remains of the monks must be cremated the next morning, that is, on 25 April.

Losang Dawa is from the ‘lower’ Zaru nomadic community in the Zaru area of Dzoege. His father Dorje Khandro, 62, has seven children by two wives, and he is the youngest. His mother is deceased.

Konchok Woeser is from the Tsako Ruwa nomadic community in the Mechu area of Dzoege. His father is is Tsering Norbu and mother Samdrup Drolma. He is the middle of the three sons.

Taktsang Lhamo Kirti Monastery, founded by the fifth Kirti Rinpoche Lobsang Tenpai Gyaltsen in 18th century in Dzoege

Both had joined Taktsang Lhamo Kirti at a young age. Losang Dawa was attending the ‘Du-chen’ philosophy class, and Konchok Woeser was studying in the Tantric college of the monastery. Both were model students, in their behaviour and in their studies.

Taktsang Lhamo Kirti Monastery is nearly 150 km from the Dzoege County seat, on the border with Gansu Province. The monastery was founded by the fifth Kirti Rinpoche Lobsang Tenpai Gyaltsen in 1748. At present, the monastery has four colleges on Philosophy, Tantric, Kalachakra and Medicine, with around 700 monks.

Tibet’s XIth Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima

Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, Tibet’s XI^th Panchen Lama, one of the most important Tibetan spiritual leaders, turns 24 today under house arrest. Gedhun Choekyi Nyima was born on 25 April 1989 in Lhari County in Nagchu, Tibet. It is his 18th year in Chinese custody at an undisclosed location after he and his parents disappeared in 1995. He was only six years old when he was disappeared by the Chinese authorities.

For about 18 years, the Chinese authorities have wilfully misled the international community on the actual whereabouts and wellbeing of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima and his family members, almost always sticking to the standard, unverifiable response that the “perfectly ordinary boy” is in “protective custody”, growing up in “excellent state of health” and that his parents “did not want to be disturbed”. But the Chinese government has failed to substantiate such hollow reassurances with concrete evidences, and has continued to rebuff any requests from UN human rights mechanisms and other international bodies to allow an independent expert to visit and confirm the wellbeing of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima.

The ongoing enforced disappearance of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima and his family has further tainted China’s abysmal human rights record. Enforced disappearance is a crime. Every enforced disappearance violates a range of human rights including the right to security and dignity of person; the right not to be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; the right to humane conditions of detention; the right to a legal personality; right to a fair trial; right to a family life and the right to life.

The forced disappearance of Panchen Lama violates Tibetan people’s collective right to freedom of religion and belief. The spiritual void China created by Panchen Lama’s disappearance cannot be filled by political replacement; the void has only contributed to the weakening of the social, moral and spiritual fabric of Tibetan life.  Faith should not be politicised by a spiritually ignorant regime.

It begs explanation why the Chinese government would go to such lengths to provide ‘security’ for a child who they consider to be just ‘ordinary’ boy. Article 34 of the Chinese Constitution stipulates that any person who has reached the age of 18 is entitled to fundamental rights such as the right to religious belief, education and occupation. Therefore, the continuing Chinese custody of Panchen Lama also violates the fundamental rights enshrined in the Chinese Constitution.

Gedhun Choekyi Nyima is now 24 years old, no longer a minor to be kept under “protective custody”, according to both Chinese and International Law. He has a right to live as a normal citizen under the Chinese Constitution. Since Gedhun Choekyi Nyima is widely regarded by many Tibetans as the true incarnation of the Xth Panchen Lama, the Chinese government should allow him to be who he is and what Tibetan people think of him. China’s continuing incommunicado detention of Panchen Lama is the most explicit proof of its government undermining and violating the freedom of religious worship and practice in Tibet.

The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) calls on China to release Gedhun Choekyi Nyima immediately and unconditionally; this could become one of the most convincing reassurances China could ever provide to demonstrate that it respects religious rights of the Tibetan people. TCHRD reiterates its call to the PRC to allow an independent figure to visit Gedhun Choekyi Nyima and verify his health and living conditions. TCHRD urges the international community to put strong, sustained pressure on the Chinese government to account for the disappeared and to uphold the rights and liberties of the Tibetan people.

According to information received by TCHRD, Chuktso, 20, died after her self-immolation protest on 16 April near Jonang Monastery in Dzamthang County in the Tibetan province of Amdo. Sources said the burning protest took place at around 3 pm (local time).

Shortly after the self-immolation, local Tibetans took Chuktso’s body to Jonang Monastery where the monks held prayers and conducted religious rituals for the deceased. The body was later taken to the deceased’s home.

Family members of Chuktso were forced to cremate the body in haste that same night after orders came from County government and Public Security Bureau(PSB) office asking for an immediate cremation or allow confiscation of the body. 

A large number of Tibetans who died of self-immolation protests had been denied their right to practise their own faith including something as basic as the right to a dignified and culturally appropriate cremation after one passes on to the next lifetime. Family members, relatives and friends of those who died in self-immolation protests had been harassed and pressured into following arbitrary orders from the Chinese authorities on disposing off bodies.

On 24 March this year, when another Tibetan woman, Kalkyi, 24, died of self-immolation protest, local authorities issued stern orders telling the deceased’s family members to cremate her body immediately. Kalkyi was cremated the same night of her self-immolation protest.

In recent years in Ngaba, Chinese authorities have confiscated bodies of self-immolation protesters, whose family members were later handed ashes, believed to be the remains of their loved ones. These families have no way of knowing the truth about their loved ones’ death and the legitimacy of the ashes.  

Security forces have been increased in and around Jonang Monastery and the village following the latest self-immolation, sources told TCHRD.

Chuktso was born in Bharma Village in Dzamthang County. Her father’s name is Tenkho and mother’s Donkyi. Chuktso was also a mother to a three-year-old child.

Bharma Village, located near Jonang Monastery, is a farming and nomadic village in Dzamthang County.

Chuktso is the sixth Tibetan to self-immolate in protest against Chinese rule in Dzamthang. The total confirmed number of self-immolation protests in Tibet has now reached 115.